Kabir's Communal Play: Why Bengal Muslims Won't Buy the Owaisi Clone

Humayun Kabir, a Trinamool Congress (TMC) MLA from Bharatpur in Murshidabad district, faces suspension from the party after announcing plans to build a Babri Masjid replica in Beldanga. This move has drawn sharp parallels to Asaduddin Owaisi's divisive tactics witnessed in several Hindi-speaking states. Kabir’s announcement positions him as a potential "local Owaisi," aiming to fragment Muslim votes that have traditionally supported TMC chief Mamata Banerjee. Kabir comes from a minority-dominated area in Murshidabad, where Muslims constitute over 70% of the population, making it a strategic region for vote consolidation. He had been previously cautioned by TMC for anti-party activities, but his latest move provoked swift action, including his suspension by party . Despite this, Kabir has vowed to resign from the assembly if forced and proceed with the Babri Masjid project, even going as far as erecting a boundary wall around the site to assert his defiance. Asaduddin Owaisi, head of AIMIM, has effectively split Muslim votes in Hindi-speaking states such as Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, and Jharkhand but struggled in states like Telangana, Tamil Nadu, and Karnataka, where Hindi-Urdu speaking populations are minorities. Analysts view Kabir as the saffron-favored new face in Bengal, echoing Owaisi’s communal approach to undermine Mamata Banerjee’s grip on minority votes. However, Bengal’s political context could undercut Kabir’s ambitions. Muslim voters in Bengal are generally wary of such communal gimmicks, displaying a higher degree of political maturity and skepticism toward divisive strategies. This cultural and political distinctiveness is expected to limit Kabir’s ability to gain substantial support despite his efforts. Bengal’s electorate is notably different in that it rarely votes along caste or communal lines, unlike many other Indian states where identity politics heavily influences voting behavior. This political awareness fosters resistance against communal polarization, although Kabir’s actions will test this resilience. Overall, Kabir’s attempts to divide votes on religious lines face difficult odds in a politically conscious Bengal that traditionally rejects communal politics. While his strategy imitates Owaisi’s divisive tactics, it seems out of place within Bengal’s unique electoral landscape. This case illustrates how Muslim voters in Bengal prioritize informed political choices over communal distractions, suggesting that Kabir is unlikely to succeed in altering the state’s political dynamics through such divisive means.